Excerpt from Jill Quadagno, The Color of Welfare (Oxford, 1994)

 

Chapter 1 “Unfinished Democracy”

        According to the British sociologist T. H. Marshall, democratization has proceeded in three stages with the granting of civil, political, and finally social rights. In Europe the struggle for civil rights emerged out of a feudal heritage where serfdom locked workers to the land. The transition from servile to free labor introduced the notion of citizenship as the right to pursue the occupation of one's choice freely, without compulsion, subject only to requirements for training. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, the principle of individual economic "freedom' was accepted as axiomatic.

        Throughout the nineteenth century in most European nations, only monarchs, bureaucrats, and aristocrats could vote. Limited political rights were granted to some men on the basis of property ownership and education. These constitutional monarchies were gradually replaced by representative governments and popular sovereignty. Political democratization in the form of universal suffrage advanced through the dismantling of restrictions on voting based on property ownership or literacy. By 1920 adult males had full voting rights in seventeen nations, while nine had given women the vote. Political rights not only meant the right to vote but also the right to a voice in a collective process of decision-making.

        The third phase of democratization began in the late nineteenth century with the construction of national welfare states. Programs of social protection granted social rights: "the right to a modicum of economic welfare and security, the right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live the life of a civilized being according to the standards prevailing in the society. Much of the industrialized world has instituted three kinds of social rights. Some protect the poor against the exigencies of the capitalist marketplace. They include programs to compensate workers against losses for injuries on the job, against unemployment, and against old age. Others, geared to an economy based on mass production, not only provide income security for the working class but also stable product markets for mass-produced goods.   Examples include old-age insurance, family allowances, and national health insurance. Finally, social rights stabilize the labor supply, especially among female workers in the expanding service sector.  These include job training and employment-referral systems, day-care provisions, paid parental leave, and full-employment policies.

        The combination of civil, political, and social rights is the foundation of democracy. While other nations added these rights gradually over centuries, the United States pursued an idiosyncratic path. That path began when the first principles of civil rights--the belief in equality and the right to liberty--were enshrined in the Bill of Rights and the Declaration of Independence. Americans, Thomas Jefferson wrote, had inherent and inalienable rights to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. From the first moments of the birth of the fledgling state, however, practice compromised principles. In theory, the concept of inalienable rights meant free labor markets and the absence of servile, or unfree, labor. In practice, lovers of freedom tolerated its total suppression among slaves, who had no claim on rights and whose masters owned both their labor and their progeny.

     Political democracy was an extension of civil liberty, and most Americans enjoyed it early. Even as colonists under British rule, when the franchise was based on property ownership, between 50 and 80 percent of white males qualified to vote. At the end of the revolutionary period, many states extended male suffrage by moving from property qualifications to tax qualifications for voting. By 1840 most adult white males could vote, and voter turnout ranged from 68 to 98 percent. Government also became more directly representative of the people who participated through mass political parties, rotation of political leaders, local community rule, and the choosing of presidential candidates by party conventions instead of wealthy elites. But democracy remained incomplete. Women couldn't vote until 1920, and, of course, slaves were denied even the most rudimentary privileges of citizenship.

       Though precocious in extending civil and political rights to white males, America lagged behind Europe in developing social rights through a national welfare state. Until 1935 the United States had no national social programs. Instead, it had only scattered, meagerly funded, state-level programs of workers' compensation, old-age pensions, and mothers' pensions that left decisions about eligibility to the discretion of local welfare authorities.  Not until the Depression challenged the foundations of this 'rugged individualism' did the concept of social rights emerge as a shared ideal. When that finally happened, the presence of a "nation” within a nation, that is, of the South as a politically and economically distinct entity, imposed limits on what could be done. Instead of a "universal" welfare state that could create solidarity among workers, the New Deal welfare state instituted a regime that reinforced racial inequality.